A Veiled Truth: The U.S. Censorship of the Atomic Bomb

Jiyoon Lee

Abstract: This paper examines how the U.S. censorship of the atomic bombs dropped in Hiroshima and Nagasaki was reflected in the U.S. media from 1945 to 1952, when censorship was officially lifted with the ratification of the San Francisco Peace Treaty. Specifically, this paper observes and analyzes photographs and their captions from Life magazine and various other publications. Many photographs and captions trivialized the destruction and the suffering at the bombed sites, glorified the power of the atomic bomb, and portrayed the U.S. government as a heroic figure rather than an aggressor. Moreover, the U.S. media published articles that deliberately distorted account of the bombings and used derogatory language to refer to Japan and its people. As a result of censorship, American public highly approved of the use of the bomb and believed that the U.S. decision to drop the bombs in Japan was justified. The paper also observes that after censorship was officially lifted, publications such as Life uncovered shocking, gruesome accounts of the aftermath of the bombings. Therefore, the photographs and captions support the idea that the U.S. government wanted to avoid domestic and international criticism for the brutality of the bomb that devastated Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

“Hiroshima does not look like a bombed city. It looks as if a monster steamroller had passed over it and squashed it out of existence,” described William Burchett in his September 5, 1945 article “Atomic Plague” in the London Daily Express, after witnessing the tragic aftermath of the atomic bombing (Pilger). Fifteen days before the publication of Burchett’s article, Life magazine also started to cover the stories of bombed cities, or rather, the stories of “a new era” (“The Atomic Bomb”). Photographs in the August issue provided a distanced aerial shot of the cities, but neglected to show the moaning victims, the crowded hospitals, or any other indication of the devastation left behind by two of the most destructive explosions in human history. It took Life seven years to tell what Burchett had told the world; articles in the September 1952 issue called the victims of the atomic bombs the “Walking Dead”, and shocked its readers with graphic pictures of radiation-burns on young children
and the gruesome wrecks left by the bombings (“When Atom Bomb Struck”). One inevitably asks the question, ‘Why had it taken a well-known publication like Life so
long to reveal the truth?’ The answer, it would seem, lies mainly on the shoulders of the tough U.S. censorship policies that were enforced from the beginning of WWII to 1952, the year the San Francisco Peace Treaty, or in Japanese, the “Treaty of Peace with Japan,” was signed (De Lange). The United States government imposed censorship on issues surrounding the atomic bomb in order to avoid domestic and international criticism for the brutality of the bomb that devastated Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This paper explores how photographs and captions in periodicals such as Life and others published from 1945 to 1952 exemplified the strong-armed U.S. censorship policies through their trivialization of the bombs’ devastating aftermath, glorification of the U.S. military, and the distortion of factual accounts to suit their purposes.

Life was only one of the many publications and media outlets that the U.S. government censored. The government’s apathetic attitude towards the suffering and destruction wrought by their hands in Hiroshima and Nagasaki led to such heights of censorship that for example, 16 hours after the bombing of Hiroshima, President Truman told the press that Hiroshima was merely an “important army base” without any mention of victims or damage done to the city, implying that the decision to drop the bomb was justifiable (Dedaic and Nelson).

The media portrayed the bombings as the “continuation of conventional warfare” by leaving out details regarding the horrific consequences of radiation exposure in humans (Doss). On August 12th, 1945, the Los Angeles Times published an aerial photograph of Nagasaki, with what the caption described as a “devastating” view from above; it essentially left the readers oblivious to the terrible condition that the people were subjected to. Foreign journalists who visited Japan were also subject to restriction of movement and censorship. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were strictly “off-limits” to the foreign press after the visits of journalists such as the Chicago Daily News’ George Weller and the London Daily Express’ William Burchett resulted in the publication of accurate first-hand reports of an utterly destroyed Nagasaki (“Nagasaki Bomb Accounts”). However, some journalists were granted permission to report on the atomic bomb, but only on the condition that they would report on it in a favorable light. In addition to this, the U.S. government secretly hired and paid journalists like William L. Laurence to publish reports on the atomic bomb (Groves). A writer for the New York Times, Laurence was allowed to visit various test sites including the one in Alamogordo and to even witness the bombing of Hiroshima firsthand in an observation plane (Groves). He conspired with the U.S. government in blindfolding the eyes of the public. In his notorious September 1945 article, “U.S. Atomic Bomb Site Belies Tokyo Tales,” Laurence argued that Japanese were “continuing their propaganda” by saying that “radiations were responsible for deaths even after the day of the explosion” (Laurence). He also claimed that consequently, Japanese propaganda was “creating the impression that we [the U.S.] won the war unfairly” (Laurence).

Together with the distortion of facts, the layout of articles and photographs were used to contribute to the growing anti- Japanese sentiment that seemingly justified U.S. actions and distracted public attention from more sensitive issues. On August 25th 1945, The New York Times published an article entitled “Japanese Stress ‘Hiroshima Horror’” which categorically denied the release of radiation by the atomic bomb and falsely accused the Japanese government of spreading propaganda in a bid to “win sympathy” from other countries. Noticeable in the layout of the paper is the complete lack of photographs of Hiroshima or Nagasaki published with the article juxtaposed with the half-page photograph of a damaged American battleship under the provocative title “American Battleship Damaged by Japanese During Peace Talk.” In addition to the deliberate distortion of events, this article achieved the intentional comparison to an anti-Japanese article in an attempt to reinforce the American  public’s negative views of Japan.

Photographs and captions published in the U.S. media not only vilified Japan, but also portrayed the U.S. military and the government in a heroic light. In the August 20th, 1945 issue of Life, the two articles seen above entitled, “Hiroshima: Atom Bomb No. 1 Obliterated It” and “Nagasaki: Atom Bomb No. 2 Disemboweled It” were
published. The sensational and imposing titles ultimately caption the two photographs and reflected the heroic mentality of the American bombers. According to the article, the crew of the B-29 reported, “My God, there was a terrific flash of light, even in the daytime” (“Hiroshima”). The glorifying tones of the articles and captions as well as the complete lack of victims support the pro-bomb message delivered by the photographs.

In the same issue, a photograph of scientists and workmen whose backs are toward the explosion at the Alamogordo test site was published alongside an article called “Manhattan Project: Its Scientists Have Harnessed Nature’s Basic Force.” The flash released by the atomic bomb lends a mysterious and phenomenal atmosphere to the photograph rather than a threatening one. The fact that this photograph was printed along with the photographs of the bombed sites drew attention away from the pain and destruction that the bombings brought to Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Similarly, in the November issue, a color photograph showing the same explosion was again described majestically as “the great luminous cloud which zoomed into the stratosphere after the first brilliant flash.” Despite having captured a momentous scientific breakthrough, photographs such as these neglected to show readers the dangerous potential of the atomic bomb just as the articles they accompanied failed to mention.

Blindfolded by the media’s distorted portrayal, the public was left woefully ignorant of the havoc wreaked in the name of the American people in Japan. The result of a poll taken in December 1945 by Fortune Magazine showed that the majority of the participants favored the use of the atomic bomb; 53.5% responded that the U.S. should have “used the two bombs on cities,just as we [the U.S.] did.” 22.7% responded that the U.S. should have used “many more of them.” 13.8% responded that the second bomb should have been dropped only if the Japanese “hadn’t surrendered after the first one.” Only 4.5% said that the U.S. should not have used “any atomic  bombs at all” (The Fortune Survey).

Even when the humanizing aspects of the victims were reported, captions often sought to downplay the scale of the human tragedy being acted out in the wake of the bombs. We see this clearly in the photograph of a mother and her child who was burned by the bomb (above) captioned “Photographer Eyerman reported their injuries looked like those he had seen when he photographed men burned at Pearl Harbor.” Where the deliberate comparison of the bombs’ victims to those who suffered at Pearl Harbor dulled the impact of such damaging information on the reader. Moreover, underneath photographs taken at the Peace Festival in Hiroshima in August of 1947, captions say “Dead friends and relatives while a memorial bell tolls at the exact hour of the blast. A moment later they dried their eyes to watch a parade,” and “Soon after solemn memorial services Hiroshima was filled with a carnival atmosphere.” The captions not only trivialize the depth of trauma experienced by the victims but also misrepresent the true spirit of the Peace Festival: to promote world peace and understanding, rather than to simply  celebrate like at regular carnivals.

Another example of where a caption downplays the gruesomeness of the situation is shown below a photograph that displays the houses and buildings rebuilt in Hiroshima.

The caption of the photograph claims without evidence that “most [of the newly built structures] are as flimsy as their predecessors,” suggesting that the extent of the damage by the bomb was compounded by the Japanese lack of talent or effort in construction.

Media publications also sought to communicate the arrogant idea that Americans were superior to the Japanese through captions of pictures in an apparent attempt to justify the bombings in the minds of the public. For example the photograph above shows an American shop in Hiroshima is captioned “In the Hiroshima of the future the American influence will play a large part.” The article goes on to support this idea by claiming that Japanese were reconstructing Hiroshima by “copying” American “morals” and way of life (The City is Being Rebuilt). The article further claims that “U.S. dollars can help fill empty bowls,” suggesting that U.S. is playing the role of a philanthropic volunteer when it contributed to the cause of the “empty bowls” in Japan (The City is Being Rebuilt).
Another way in which captions illustrated the governments’ scheme in turning the eye of the public was in endorsing the idea of America’s greatness. This can be seen in the article “Japanese Mind in Defeat” in the September 3, 1945 issue of Life, in which a photograph of the “short Jap General Kawabe enter[ing] conference alongside tall American General Willoughby” appears. The caption not only makes use of the term “Jap” in reference to the Japanese in a derogatory manner, but also intentionally mocks the difference in heights of the two men who are each the representatives of their respective country. Dark humor employed in this manner contributed to the idea that Americans were physically and mentally ‘superior’ and therefore the subordination of the ‘inferior’ Japanese through the use of the atomic bomb was justified.

The same mentality of heroism and glory is portrayed through the photograph showing General MacArthur, the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers, surrounded by a big crowd in front of the headquarter. Describing MacArthur as the Japanese people’s “national hero,” when he came to Japan to direct U.S. occupation of Japan. However, neither the photograph nor the article gives support to the claim made by the caption. Also, the article does not provide reasonable, factual evidence to why MacArthur would be considered a hero to the Japanese people. Nevertheless, the article states that the Japanese are “a receptive race” that acknowledge their defeat at the hands of their “superiors” (“A Report on Japan”). The photograph, the caption, and the text again reinforce the U.S. government’s idea that the atomic  bombings were reasonable and that the Japanese were calm and tolerant of the bombings.

Life continued to depict the U.S. government as a heroic figure with the use of captions, as seen in the December 12th, 1949 issue. An article called “The A-Bomb’s Children: Study of Half a Million Japanese Reveals the First Delayed Effects of Atomic Radiation” was published, showing the struggles and suffering of the victims with their photographs (“The ABomb’s Children”). However, photographs and captions  focused more on the Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission (ABCC)’s work rather than the actual victims themselves. For example, the captions below the photograph of a nurse checking up on a baby tells that “ABCC’s study must cover all the survivors and their children.” The caption provides somewhat irrelevant, extended information with a strong and a somewhat conceited tone. Another caption tells that the “ABCC’s director is Lieut. Colonel Carl F. Tessmer, a brilliant young pathologist,” clearly portraying ABCC in a favorable way. Furthermore, the caption, “Hiroshima’s children patiently wait for their turn for a complete and detailed physical examination in ABCC’s temporary laboratory and clinic,” uses adjectives such as “complete” and “detailed” in describing one of ABCC’s works. For many other photographs, the word ABCC was repetitively included in their captions, such as “pregnant woman describes her  location when bomb exploded as ABCC worker plots position on map of Hiroshima” and “Hatsue’s eyes are examined by ABCC doctors.” The photographs, with the aid of captions, served to highlight the work done by the doctors and scientists that the U.S. government sent.

It is ironic that ABCC was portrayed as a philanthropic  organization because it also heavily cooperated with the U.S. government, refusing to share its research on the atomic bomb with Japanese scientific communities (Braw). Established in 1946 in Hiroshima, the ABCC focused on “obtaining some first-hand technical information” and “making a detailed report pertaining to the opportunities for a long-term study of atomic bomb casualties.” (“Atomic Bomb Casualty Commission”) Its objectives did not include researching for or providing medical treatment. Even more surprisingly, the results of the studies were directly sent to the U.S. (Braw). Therefore, Japanese scientists and doctors, who most needed the information to help the patients, did not have access to the results (Braw). This American censorship impeded medical treatment for the survivors, because the Japanese government struggled in its effort to collect data for the organized treatment of patients. When the Japanese  government finally executed two surveys of the survivors of the bomb in 1965 and 1975, it received much public disapproval because the data collected was highly incorrect as a long period of time had already elapsed after the bombings (The Committee on the Damage caused by the Atomic Bombs).

Only after Japan signed the San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1951 and formally renounced its position as an imperial power, the U.S. censorship on media began to lift. To illustrate, on September 19th,1952, Life magazine published a striking “uncensored” record of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki (“When Atom Bomb Struck”). It was five months after the San Francisco Peace Treaty went into effect. Life justified why it was uncovering the whole truth only then, by stating that “pictures taken by five Japanese  photographers in the first hours of terror after the blasts had been suppressed by jittery U.S. military censors through seven years of the Occupation” (“When Atom Bomb Struck”). Captions referred to the victims of the two cities as the “Walking Dead,” while photographs revealed the gruesome, shocking reality that had been contained by the U.S. government for over seven years (“When Atom Bomb Struck”). Dead bodies were scattered everywhere and the survivors hopelessly waited for aid as they saw their surroundings completely demolished by the blast. One photograph showed a girl who eventually died after drinking her first and last sip of water after the bombing (“When Atom Bomb Struck”). Another photograph showed a scarred mother breastfeeding her baby, whose face was noticeably burnt by the flash. Compared to that of the previous issues, the photographs published in the September 1952 issue focused heavily on the individual victims and their sufferings. Such focus would have allowed viewers to realize that atomic bombs were not simply an easy and effective way to end a war, but rather an inhumane, irreversible way of destroying lives of ordinary people.

Photographs and captions that were chosen to be published in popular media reflected U.S. censorship with their minimal coverage of the truth and their biased perspectives. The atomic bombs that the U.S. government used on Japan were portrayed as necessary, inevitable tools that ended World War II, rather than weapons of terror that caused irreversible, inhumane consequences as seen in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The U.S. censorship on media and publication was successful in that it led to a generally positive American perception of the atomic bomb. However, it failed to recognize a human society larger than the U.S. itself by prioritizing national interests of image building over individual human rights and the global common good.

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